jasonadams ([info]jasonadams) wrote,
@ 2006-03-11 16:35:00
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Recalling L'Acéphale: The Events of May '68 as Nonlinear History
When did the 'Events of May '68' begin and, if we are to take seriously the arguments of Manuel DeLanda, when really, might we say that they came to an 'end'? Recently, that infamous insurrection, in which students and workers alike shut down the country and reopened the schools and factories under council-based directly-democratic control, has returned with a certain abruptness to the daily narratives of mass media outlets covering the political scene in France, where radical politics seems to have made something of a comeback in a manner that, as in that infamous uprising some four decades prior, has to a great extent called into question the continued viability of the modern 'citizen-subject' as much as the increasingly outdated political order that gave birth to it. Initially, the Events flashed up as metaphoric comparison to the thousands of unemployed immigrant youth rioting against marginalization and overwhelming uemployment in France's suburbs, while more recently they have shown up as historiographical explanation for the simmering discontent of young nationals in the cities and especially colleges, including the Sorbonne itself where grad students are being faced with financial aid cuts and the imposition of unpaid 'internment' teaching positions. As one recent article points out, the common theme angering these groups that otherwise have little contact seems to be that of 'precarity', the neoliberal structural adjustments that are rapidly undoing the final partitions of first and third world, not only on the global political map of nation-states but also in the the global cities, its increasingly volatile counterparts where to an extent not yet imaginable in 1968, multitudes of differently-situated peoples are in an almost absurdly analagous situation, are living 'together alone'. What I am suggesting is that ironically enough, the neoliberal capitalist project and its corollary information technologies (such as the Ipod and the laptop computer), are increasingly producing the phenomena of what Paul Virilio calls 'multiple solitude', which may also be creating in 'dialectical' fashion, the very conditions for what Georges Bataille had imagined during the fascist period in Vichy France as community without identity, a political body without a 'head' (by which it might be given 'order'), or what Maurice Blanchot, in his late reflections on the community which its 'members' "deny belonging to" refers to as "The Acéphale Community".









"Communism, by saying that equality is its foundation and that there can be no community until the needs of all men are equally fulfilled...presupposes not a perfect society but the principle of a transparent humanity essentially produced by itself alone, an 'immanent' humanity (says Jean-Luc Nancy). This immanenence of man to man also points to man as the absolutely immanent being because he is or has to becomes uch that he might entirely be a work, his, and in the end, the work of everything...this reciprocity betweeen communism and individualism, denounced by the most austere tenants of counter-revolutionary thought (de Maistre, etc.) as well as by Marx, leads us to question the very notion of reciprocity. Howeer, if the relation of man with man ceases to be that of the Same with the Same, but rather introduces the other as irreducible and - given the equality between them - always in a situation of dissymetry in relation to the one looking at the Other, then a completely different relationship imposes itself and imposes another form of society which one would hardly dare call a 'community'...and this is precisely what happened to Georges Bataille who, after having tried for more than a decade, in thought and in practice, to fulfill the exigency of community, did not find himself alone, but exposed to a community of absence...Each member of the community is still not only the whole community, but the violent, disparate, exploded, powerless incarnation of the totality of beings who, tending to exist integrally, have as corollary the nothingness they have already, and in advance, fallen into...it meant breaking with the law of the group, the law that had constituted it by exposing it to that which transcended it without that transcendence being other than the group's, i.e., to the outside which was intimacy of the group's singularity. In other words, the community, by organizing and giving itself a project, the execution of a sacrifical death, would renounced its renuciation of creating a work, be it a work of death, or even the simulation of death. The impossibility of death in its most naked possibility (the knife meant to cut the victim's throat and which, with the same movement, would cut off the head of the 'executioner'), suspended until the end of time the illicit action in which the exaltation of the most passive passivity would have been affirmed" (14).









Might we say then, that Blanchot's reflections on The Unavowable Community provide something of a basis for reading unpredictable, agonistic convergences emerging today in the late period of globalization, in a form that has in the past several years been referred to as 'multitude', but which might be more appropriately formulated otherwise, perhaps even without a positive sign as such, a community which one does not affirm, that one 'denies belonging to'? Certainly the work is one of the most outstanding of its kind, asking the question of how it is that the incompleteness at the root of every being, one that cannot possibly be fulfilled from union with another, throws into disarray the totalizing horizon of modern political identity, and thus opens every 'community' to its inevitable failure to 'represent'. Interestingly, Blanchot points out that in Bataille, the emphasis is not so much self-forgetting in the Dionysian frenzy of the group, as it is on the impossibility of realizing oneself in that frame alone, since there is always an insufficiency at play in the self, one that despite all illusions to the contrary cannot ever be filled. In fact, his argument is that the whole point of attempting community is to be repelled by it, such that oneself is called into question, even on the most radical of levels, such as by "my presence for another who absents himself by dying...[since] a man alive, who sees a fellow-man die, can survive only beside himself...that is what founds community [because] there could not be a community without the sharing of that first and last event in which everyone ceases to be able to be just that (birth, death)" (9). Indeed, it is only in death that the impossibility of 'community' is made clear, the danger of finitude itself as basis of being-in-common as a 'community that is not a community', 'the community [that] is not the place of Sovereignty' (12) - which is precisely what Bataille experienced in the Surrealist and Contre-Attaquegroups he would quickly leave (Blanchot would thus find the latter "another group worth studying in detail for what made its urgency of such a nature that it could subsist only through struggle rather than through its non-active existence...[existing] in a way, only in the streets (a prefiguration of what happened in May '68), that is, outside", 13). Thus rather than the 'sur-philosophy' that Blanchot argues lead Heidegger to momentarily make himself available to totalitarianism, the emphasis is not an an insurrection of organized violence, but an insurrection of thought - not a state-commune, but a literary commune, whose exemplary moment was L'Acéphale.









Recently, Giorgio Agamben has come to the fore as the most formidable critic of the identitarian logic of the modern state apparatus, which he brings to its most politically suggestive degree in The Coming Community, an essay clearly influenced by the dialogue on community between Blanchot and Jean-Luc Nancy, which as we saw above, ultimately goes back to Bataille. For Agamben, the movement of globalization is leading everyone away from their citizen, immigrant and other state-originated identities, and toward a new form of subjectivity that he calls the "whatever-being", an ungeneralizeable singularity "which is neither particular nor general, neither individual nor generic." The whatever-being exists outside of the distributed categories of identity and is thus always a figure in excess of the coding processes in which guilt becomes internalized as the soil of one's identity. Such a being he argues, is demonstrated most eloquently in the contemporary figure of the refugee, who is "perhaps the only thinkable figure for the people of our time...in which one may see…the forms and limits of a coming political community." Such a community would be one in which, in a Heideggerian mood, "the being-worm of the worm, the being-stone of the stone is divine", an ontology of radical equality. Agamben's vision is resonant today, particularly with the events of the past several months amongst young workers and students, because the whatever-being is what we are all increasingly becoming, "a single planetary bourgeoisie…which is the form in which humanity is moving toward its own destruction". As in the unspoken alliance between the riots in the French suburbs and the occupation of the Sorbonne, the suggestion is that the community of singularities will eventually emerge through "a struggle between the state and the non-state (humanity)" and will be "mediated not by any condition of belonging, nor by the simple absence of conditions, but by belonging itself. Thus "what the state cannot tolerate in any way... is that the singularities form a community without affirming an identity…wherever these singularities demonstrate their being in common…sooner or later the tanks will appear."



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[info]jasonadams
2006-03-13 11:08 pm UTC (link)
A few more points on Blanchot's contribution to the 'community' thread, and its recent manifestation politically - first of all, while at first it might seem antithetical to a 'community without identity' since in the military frame, such acts have a long history of use for consolidation, it is important to note that he saw the figure of sacrifice in Bataille's Acéphale group paradoxically, in the sense that while in it one gave oneself wholly over to the group, as a kind of abandonment, in that very act one undoes the community as such, renders it impossible, since any community necessarily rests upon the living, upon the illusion of the whole being. Precisely then, it is 'unavowable' because one rather denies involvement, one affirms that 'inner experience' that comes into being through community as such.



"Nocturnal communication, that communication which does not avow itself, which antedates itself and takes its authority only from a non-existing author, opens up upon another form of community, when a small number of friends, each one singular, and with no forced relationships between them, form it in secret through the silent reading they share, becoming conscious of the exceptional event they are confronted with or dedicated to" (20).



Thus, we can say that for Blanchot, and for Bataille, being-in-the-world is always a being-with, therefore the necessity "to be essentially for the other" (21), if one is to be 'for oneself'. But one can only be for the other by encountering the 'living singularity' (24) that one is, that is to say, by that which throws every relation into disarray, since it is only through 'the extremes of ownness' that one encounters the other - just as the literary commune develops as a 'negative community', since it does not address anyone in particular, here one finally joins in communion from the fruit of the heart rather than the law.

Perhaps the most relevant part of Blanchot's work for the present situation in France is that in which he revisits the Events of May '68, arguing that 'explosive communication' could arise spontaneously, that a group could be constituted without actually existing as such:

"May '68 has shown that without project, without conjuration, in the suddeness of a happy meeting, like a feast that breached the admitted and expected social norms, explosive communication could affirm itself (affirm itself beyond the usual forms of affirmation) as the opening that gave permission to everyone, without distinction of class, age, sex or culture, to mix with the first comer as if with an already loved beingg, precisely because he was the unknown-familiar. 'Without project': that was the characteristic, all at once distressing and fortunate, of an incomparable form of society that remained elusive, that was not meant to survive, to set itself up, not even via tha multiple 'committees' simulating a disordered-order, an imprecise specialization. Contrary to 'traditional revolutions', it was not a question of simply taking power to replace it with some other power, nor of taking the Bastille or the Winter Palace, or the Elysee or the National Assembly, all objectives of no importance. It was not even a question of overthrowing an old world; what matttered was to let a possibility manifest itself, the possibility - beyond any utilitarian gain - of a being-together that gave back all the right to equality in fraternity through a freedom of speech that elated everyone. Everybody had something to say, and at times, to write (on the walls); what exactly, mattered little. Saying it was more important than what was said. Poetry was an everyday affair" (30).

Clearly what Blanchot is affirming here is something radically other the Habermasian 'ideal speech situation', which would not necessarily involve a movement beyond the liberal-statist order - 'explosive communication' was instead what happened when state-ordered identities ceased to restrain the sayable, when nothing was held back save the compulsion to 'hold back' itself.




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[info]jasonadams
2006-03-13 11:08 pm UTC (link)

"With authority overthrown, or, rather, neglected, a sort of communism declared itself, a communism of a kind never experienced before and which no ideology was able to recuperate or as its own...[a] refusal to exclude anything...that absence of reaction...[in which] everything was accepted. The impossibility of recognizing an enemy" (31).

Thus the rhetoric of 'the people' became repulsive, as in the refusal of power it necessarily must be, while the committees became multiples of multiples, paradoxically 'organizing disorganization' while remaining of a piece with the spontaneous demonstrations in the streets - a new politics of friendship can be said to have emerged, in which one disavowed its previous form and affirmed a generalized 'camaraderie without preliminaries', such that "a form of commuity happened then, different from the one whose character we had thought to have defined, one of those moments when communism and community meet up and ignore that they have realized themselves by losing themselves immediately" (32). Rather than duration, the emphasis seems to have been upon spontaneity, on the refusal of 'refusing' to disband, long after one's time is up - in short, we could say that for Blanchot, May '68 was the first time that a political movement refused the duty to be 'political' or a 'movement' as such, by embracing the fluidity of being that beings actually experience in the throes of everyday life. As he argues, "the people are not the State", rather they are precisely the opposite of that which always calls upon them as the basis of legitimation. This is how he reads Duras, and her The Malady of Death, in which the characters are indeterminate, 'ungraspable in her passivity', and in which contractural relationships become problematized by the mercantile foundation of their 'existence' which is not so much a community as it is a transaction. The prostitute in question, says Blanchot, "seems too removed for any name to suit her...untouchable in her constant nakedness, the closest and most distant nakedness, the inaccesible intimacy of the outside" (37).

Duras' writing is thus brought to bear on the relation of sacrifice and community, that is to say of death and life, of natality and nationality, that was Bataille's project, a thinker whom she was one of the first authors to read seriously, as her description of the female character as constantly sleeping indicates - "she escapes what would turn her into a graspable whole", 39). In that very process, she introduces into the order of things the dissymetry that is at the base of every relationship, for which one is always lead to the Levinasian conclusion that ethically speaking, because of the interminable inequality of the self with the Other, one must exist for the Other, even 'an infinite attention to the Other' (43), through the love that exceeds every law:

"An ethics is possible only when - with ontology (which always reduces the Other to the Same) taking the backseat - an anterior relation can affirm itself, a relation such that the self is not content with recognizing the Other, with recognizing itself in it, but feels that the Other always puts it into question to the point of being able to respond to it only through a responsibility that cannot limit itself and that exceeds itself without exhausting itself" (43).

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[info]jasonadams
2006-03-13 11:55 pm UTC (link)
The community of lovers then, is one in which shared relationships become improbable, in which the 'traditional community' and the 'elective community', in which the latter is privileged as 'progress' beyond the former, in which one 'freely' chooses which contracts to enter into, are equally exposed as spatiotemporally-bound ideolgical edifices in which Duras' figure of Madame Edwarda, in her exhibitionistic sexuality "conceals her by handing her over to an ungraspable singularity" (47), a move which, in the form of the community of lovers, "has as its ultimate goal the destruction of society" (48).

And what is 'society'? It is nothing more than, as we saw in the begining of this commentary, it is the pretension to wholeness, the illusion of the self-same self that founds the community of identity, the modern nation-state as an apparatus of territory, which is how Blanchot reads Duras' story of the relationship btween Madame Edwarda and 'you', the male interlocutor, "the hope of singularity which they can share with no one else" (48). Rather than simply the 'romantic union of lovers' then, Blanchot posits the story as a questioning of the possibility of other modes of being-in-common, in which "two beings have no other reason to exist than to expose themselves totally to each other - totally, integrally, absolutely - so that their common solitude may appear not in front of their own eyes but in front of ours, yes, how not to look there and how not to rediscover 'the negative community, the community of those who have no community'" (50)?

Indeed, its for this reason that the Madame refuses to play the maternal role for the man, whose attempts to tell the story of his childhood to her are rebuked, as 'she is not able to limit herself to being a mother', thus releasing him to relations with other men, a homosexuality that also, as queer theorists from Shane Phelan through Lee Edelman have affirmed, is at the basis of pretensions to 'homogenous' political identity, because like the contractural relationship with the prostitute, it refuses the reproductive injunction that is the 'natio' in 'nation'.

"She belongs to the community, she is born from the community, while making felt, through her fragility, her accessibility and maginificence, that the strangeness of what could not be common is what founds that community, eternally temporary and always already deserted...he has voluntarily kept himself outside the circle of love: he is not loved because he has always wanted to keep his freedom...either he could not keep her, the community coming to an end as randomly as it had begun; or else she has done her work, she has changed him more radically than he knows...or else, and that is the unavowable, uniting with her according to her will, he has also given her that death she awaite, of which he was until then not capable, and which so fulfills his earthly fate - actual death or imaginary death, it does not matter. It evasively consecrates the always uncertain end inscribed in the destiny of the community" (56).



The Unavowable Community then, a still-emerging concept through which we might rethink the nonlinear history of the 'Events of May '68', both its beforelives under the Nazis and its afterlives under Villepin - in claiming the Sorbonne in common, in which students, faculty and workers become radically equal, placing its administration under the General Assembly (for this first time since the 'original' Events), one can say that the "relation of man with man ceases to be that of the Same with the Same, but rather introduces the other as irreducible and - given the equality between them - always in a situation of dissymetry in relation to the one looking at the Other, then a completely different relationship imposes itself and imposes another form of society which one would hardly dare call a 'community'" - the only question now, is whether this latest development will become linked with that that emerged in the migrant suburbs not so long ago.

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